Chhattisgarh, which claims to the only power surplus state in the country, has been witnessing a bloody struggle for power for roughly three years now. The rest of the country doesn’t know about it, we all know Chhattisgarh as an emergent state rich in minerals and ores, covered with dense forests, and a prospective industrial hub. We get to know about Chhattisgarh only when the Times of India comes up with a survey placing Bhilai/Durg on the sixth spot among the fastest developing cities in the country. Those of us born and brought up in the affluence of Bhilai, feel great about the news and get on with our lives. Even when we were there we didn’t care about what was happening 150 kms away in the tribal regions. Indeed, it wouldn’t be fair to expect anyone to care. Naxalites, disillusioned tribals, needless violence, have all become a part of our daily lives.
But what’s been happening in Chhattisgarh since 2005 goes far beyond that. It is true that we should always take anti-state reporting and campaigning with a pinch of salt, as they are often exaggerated to the hilt and even fabricated at times, but the sequence of events, the credibility of the people involved, and the evident situation in the tribal areas do suggest that the districts of Bastar are weighed down by anarchy and bloodshed of an unprecedented magnitude, which shows no signs of abating.
Stray incidents of violence and unrest were commonplace in the area since the early 90s, even before the assassination of the leader of the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Shankar Guha Niyogi, in 1991. As has been the norm, the hired assassin was apprehended but is still awaiting the result of the trial and there is still no clue as to who hired him. The growth of the naxalite movement gained ground after the murder of the union leader and the callousness shown in nabbing the culprits.
The state of affairs in Bastar after the formation of Chhattisgarh in 2001 went from bad to worse. The people from the most backward district in the country were frequently displaced in the name of industrialization. Of course, industrialization does have benefits which eventually trickle down to the populace, but due to the inherent inefficiencies of the bureaucratic set-up, the tribals ended up without land, without livelihood and without hope. Sent into improvised camps and settlements, they had to confront atrocious living conditions and a sense of deracination.
Though the state probably meant well, the collective ire of the tribals fell at them, and the naxalites cashed upon it. Thus the strength of naxalites kept growing and the government, forced by the systemic inertia, did nothing to improve the tribals’ conditions, instead focusing on improving the state’s image to attract external investment.
With increasing violence, attacks on personnel, policemen, forces etc., there was a marked change in the state’s collective consciousness, evident in statements of police and government officials. The state developed an antagonism, and was intent on vendetta against the naxalites, who they started bracketing with the tribals.
That’s where it all started to go wrong, when the law enforcer cannot do its work dispassionately and carries pre-conceived notions; a situation like Hitler’s Germany is likely to arise. The state, incited by a few intense strikes by the naxalites, chose a course aimed at curbing violence which ended up escalating it beyond controllable proportions.
It formed a unit called Salwa Judum, which literally translates into ‘Purification Hunt’ and gave it the license to commit all crimes to eradicate the influence of naxalites from the tribal regions. An initial group of a few people, who were not from the armed forces but locals having a history of violence and crime, was sent out into the tribal areas to identify and terminate the naxalite sympathizers. To extend its power, a reward of 2 Lakhs was proposed for any tribal who wished to join the SJ, with the assurance that they could contravene the law. (The above is inferred from a recorded conversation from one of the meetings of Salwa Judum, where the SP of Bijapur is stating this to a group of tribals, noted from the Statesman)
As anyone with a sane mind can imagine, with the formation of this group in 2005, all hell broke loose in Chhattisgarh. Any and everybody who wanted to settle scores could easily do so and get paid for it. The remarkable disaster this policy turned out to be is evident from the official figures of casualties revealed by the state:
2003: Maoists: 74, Civilians: None
2004: Maoists 83, Civilians: None
Salva Judum formed in July 2005
2005-2006: Maoist: 65, Civilians: 243
First three months of 2007: Maoists: 42, Civilians: 226
And these are all official state figures, seeing which and with increasing criticism from the media and the people in general, the state distanced itself from the group. However, in 2005, at the formation of the SJ, the District Collector of Dantewada was present and he went on to attend almost all their meetings. So, the distancing was a bit too late. Maybe the state tried to reign in the SJ, but the war has reached such proportions that the SJ has become a bigger threat than the naxalites.
Besides all these repressions and thoughtless acts, the state also came up with a visibly dictatorial and unconstitutional act called Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act in 2005. Under the auspices of this act, the state could detain anybody without bail for anti-state activities for an indefinite period pending trial/. Probably aware that the formation of the SJ would invite huge criticism and wrath, the state incarcerated all those who were likely to raise their voice and mobilize protests in the region. These included the pediatrician and member of PUCL, Dr. Binayak Sen, who was a close associate of Shankar Guha Niyogi, Praful Jha, a journalist, Ajay TG, a filmmaker and scores of others under fabricated charges. The most ridiculous charge was placed on Dr. Sen who was a frequent visitor to the prison in Raipur where he went to attend to an injured Naxalite. Consequently, he was charged with sedition. He has since been in jail pending trial.
Its imperative to attract attention towards the incarceration of the people who can communicate the people’s woes to the world. If they continue to be behind bars, the repression will continue and the country will remain unaware of the world of difference that exists between the lives of a tribal in Bastar and an executive living at Napean Sea Road. I don’t know what can be done, but there has to be something, the media is hungry for anti-establishment rhetoric and for projecting heroes. Here we have real heroes and they don’t even know about them.
